Many radical revolutionaries in France supported the destruction of slavery, but, in 1801, Napoleon Bonaparte decided to reverse emancipation. He sent tens of thousands of troops to re-enslave the people of Haiti. Among his troops were Polish soldiers who had allied with the French in the hopes that it would help them create their own nation in Europe. But once in Haiti, some Poles realized they were on the wrong side of the war and defected to [Jean-Jacques Dessalines]' army. In the wake of independence, these Poles, along with some other whites who were considered allies, were embraced as citizens of Haiti. When, in his Constitution, Dessalines declared that all Haitians would henceforth be known as black, he greeted these whites into the black race.

Since 1804, Haiti has repeatedly produced democratic movements. There were 19th century peasant movements against corrupt rulers who threatened the independence of small farmers. The U.S. occupation of 1915-'34, aimed at protecting U.S. financial and strategic interests, generated widespread resistance on the part of peasants who were drafted into forced labor details, as well as students and intellectuals appalled by the racism of their occupiers.

Haiti can still have a democratic future. It won't get there, however, unless there are big changes in the way the international community, and particularly the U.S., deal with the country. Haiti's poverty has historically been worsened rather than improved by national and international financial policies. Years of dictatorship and turmoil have created a large diaspora whose future is tightly bound to that of Haiti. While much needs to change inside the nation, it also is vital for foreign governments and international institutions to develop policies based on comprehension of and respect for Haiti, both of which have been lacking over the last two centuries.